The Public Tribunal appeals to the citizens of the Republic of Armenia, urging them to take into account the true structure of financing of the incumbent authorities, their ties with business interests, and the systemic nature of corruption before deciding whether to support any political force in the 2026 parliamentary elections.
На своем телеграм-канале «Mina-Z» Мина Хачатрян опубликовала 20 вопросов Сержу Саргсяну
Stanford University professor Artur Khachikyan has sharply criticized Armenia’s incumbent authorities, accusing them of deceiving the Armenian people and failing to fulfill the promises made during the 2018 “Velvet Revolution.” According to him, the authorities not only failed to eradicate corruption but, in many respects, surpassed the previous regime in both corruption and incompetent governance.
During his analytical program Murazi Hour, Boris Murazi addressed an issue which, in his view, has gone beyond isolated incidents and evolved into a systemic phenomenon. He spoke about circles that, he claimed, have acted and continue to act as satellites of the incumbent authorities while presenting themselves as independent representatives of civil society.
Both the beginning and the end of Robert Kocharyan’s presidency were marked by tragic events that shaped Armenia’s political environment for years to come. The armed attack on the Armenian Parliament on October 27, 1999, shocked the young republic. Nearly a decade later, on March 1, 2008, a deepened political crisis culminated in bloody clashes on the streets of Yerevan. These events were not merely isolated tragedies; they planted explosive charges beneath public institutions, fueled mutual distrust, and led to a profound societal divide.
The loss of Karabakh became one of the most dramatic events in Armenia’s recent history. Yet the widespread perception that it was merely the result of military defeat or a series of tragic miscalculations oversimplifies reality. Karabakh was not simply lost; it was gradually removed from the political framework in which it still had at least some chance to exist in one form or another. This was not a single moment of failure, but a multi-stage process unfolding over years and formalized through diplomacy.
However, there is one crucial point: Sharmazanov is blatantly lying when he claims that the RPA “really fought” against Nikol Pashinyan's government. In reality, it was the RPA that helped bring Pashinyan to power, ensuring his election as prime minister with the votes of its parliamentary factions in May 2018, despite being fully aware of the consequences that would follow.
At first glance, the film presents itself as a documentary: it lists facts from the businessman’s biography, recalls his ties with major companies, and mentions his involvement in charitable initiatives. However, closer examination reveals not an impartial analysis but a carefully constructed propaganda piece.
In his regular YouTube address, Arthur Hambardzoumyan raises issues that are either deliberately avoided in Armenia’s public discourse or pushed to the margins of public attention. In his assessment, over the past few years, the Armenian people have gradually become accustomed to developments that would have been considered unacceptable not long ago.
The tragedy of October 27, 1999, was not merely a bloody act of violence; it became a catalyst for broader political and strategic changes. Before these events, Robert Kocharyan’s policy in the negotiation process was under clear pressure and control from Vazgen Sargsyan. After Sargsyan’s assassination, Kocharyan gained greater freedom of action, which suggests that his earlier steps had been constrained by external influence.
