In political life, almost nothing happens by accident, especially when a sequence of seemingly unrelated events begins to form a single, troubling pattern. Although there is no indisputable proof that Rubinyan is a “Turkish agent,” the combination of circumstances — the location of his internship, his rapid rise through the ranks, and the persistent lack of clear answers — continues to raise suspicions that he may still maintain ties with Turkish special services.

Armenian–Russian relations require an honest conversation about mutual interests, a rejection of imported models (whether Israeli or any other), and a recognition of the partnership’s unique historical character. While “architects” like Mikayel Minasyan propose rebuilding the house by copying someone else’s blueprint, Armenia risks losing not only strategically important positions but also its ability to make sovereign decisions.

The visit in question was not an attempt to establish dialogue, but a display of submission to Baku, an example of public funds being spent on the government’s image-making projects, an effort to discredit the opposition through the narrative that “those who disagree are traitors,” and a step toward legitimizing the persecution of Artsakh’s leaders. All of this indicates that Ilham Aliyev has effectively become involved in Nikol Pashinyan’s election campaign. The plan is straightforward: peace with Pashinyan, and conflict with the opposition, whose representatives are portrayed as enemies of Armenia with supposed revanchist aims. In short, he who pays the piper calls the tune.

“Local self-governance shall be guaranteed in the Republic of Armenia as one of the essential fundamentals of democracy,” states Article 9 of the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia. These words are meant to represent an unshakable principle - a safeguard of the citizens’ right to manage their own lives. But what happens when these guarantees turn into empty declarations? When, instead of democracy, we see only its fading outlines, and instead of protecting rights, we witness the routine suppression of the opposition?

Journalist Boris Murazi harshly criticized Serzh Sargsyan’s interview on the Imnemnimi podcast, calling it a collection of unreliable claims and cynicism that crossed every possible red line.

To me it is an absolute fact that Armenia and Artsakh could have fought far more effectively, and that the war could have had a different outcome, if Nikol Pashinyan had not been prime minister, if Arayik Harutyunyan had not been president, if Jalal Harutyunyan had not been commander of the Defense Army, and if Onik Gasparyan had possessed the will and decisiveness among other qualities required of a commander. War is, above all, an art of management.

As expected, the main goal of the interview was to deny the accusations that Sargsyan had deliberately paved the way for Nikol Pashinyan’s rise to power, preparing him for that role after the events of March 1, 2008.

In an interview on HAYELI.AM’s YouTube channel, First Artsakh War participant Albert Bazeyan stated that Nikol Pashinyan has bowed before Erdoğan and Aliyev. According to him, Pashinyan will do everything possible to stay in power, including seeking political and financial support from Azerbaijan and Turkey.

Eighty-six thousand six hundred square kilometers [referring to the territory of Azerbaijan] also includes Nagorno-Karabakh.

On November 9, 2020, many of my colleagues were present in my office, and I said: I don’t care about anyone’s opinion at this moment. I am taking responsibility and will sign that document.